Although Aquinas has no quaestio about work, this subject has been studied by authors like Hannah Arendt and Joseph Pieper, who continued Aristotle’ and Aquinas’ view on leisure and work. Human life consists of this contemplative activity in the polis, in contrast with slaves and women at the oikia or house. But work has become central to the cultural arena and also another notion avoided by classical philosophy: human being as a bodily being that is dependent and vulnerable due to (...) matter. Thanks to this last note and based on some of Aquinas’ and MacIntyre’s principles,workcan find its philosophical place as a human and positive dimension. (shrink)

One of the most important critiques of Brentano’s thought has been the one of “psychologism”. Nevertheless, a correct study of some of his thesis cannot prove this conclusion. On the other hand, a comparison to Polo’s notion of life —especially, cognitive life and its relation to the physical realm— allows us to grasp a better understanding of Brentano’s proposal on the psychical aspect of knowledge. This shows that Husserl’s corrections to Brentano’s notion of intentionality, i.e. its idealization, is not valid.

Aristotle's influence in the young Heidegger has been confirmed by the publication of his unedited works. This article questions Heidegger's late allegation of having received that influence through reading Brentano's "On the manifold sense of Being in Aristotle". This study analyses the different steps of Heidegger's thesis on truth until Sein und Zeit and compares them to those of Brentano, such as judgment being the proper place of truth and the difference between judgment and representation.

Conceptions of evil have changed dramatically over time, and though humans continue to commit acts of cruelty against one another, today we possess a clearer, more moral way of analyzing them. In _Narrating Evil_, María Pía Lara explores what has changed in our understanding of evil, why the transformation matters, and how we can learn from this specific historical development. Drawing on Immanuel Kant's and Hannah Arendt's ideas about reflective judgment, Lara argues that narrative plays a key role in (...) helping societies acknowledge their pasts. Particular stories haunt our consciousness and lead to a kind of examination and dialogue that shape notions of morality. A powerful description of a crime can act as a filter, helping us to draw conclusions about what constitutes a moral wrong, and public debates over these narratives allow us to construct a more accurate picture of historical truth, leading to a better understanding of why such actions are possible. In building her argument, Lara considers Greek tragedies, Shakespeare's depictions of evil, Joseph Conrad's literary metaphors, and movies that portray human cruelty. Turning to such philosophers and writers as Jürgen Habermas, Walter Benjamin, Primo Levi, Giorgio Agamben, and Ariel Dorfman, Lara defines a reflexive relationship between an event, the narrative of the event, and the public reception of the narrative, and she proves that the stories of perpetrators and sufferers are always intertwined. The process of disclosure, debate, and the public fashioning of collective judgment are vital methods through which we make sense not only of new forms of cruelty but of past crimes as well. _Narrating Evil_ describes the steps of this process and why they are a crucial part of our attempt to build a different, more just world. (shrink)

Postmodern political critiques speak of the death of ideology, the end of history, and the postsecular return of religious attitudes, yet radical conservative theorists such as Mark Lilla argue religion and politics are inextricably intertwined. Returning much-needed uncertainty to debates over the political while revitalizing the very terms in which they are defined, María Pía Lara explores the ambiguity of secularization and the theoretical potential of a structural break between politics and religion. For Lara, secularization means three things: the (...) translation of religious semantics into politics; a transformation of religious notions into political ideas; and the reoccupation of a space left void by changing political actors that gives rise to new conceptions of political interaction. Conceptual innovation redefines politics as a horizontal relationship between governments and the governed and better enables societies (and individual political actors) to articulate meaning through action--that is, through the emergence of new concepts. These actions, Lara proves, radically transform our understanding of politics and the role of political agents and are further enhanced by challenging the structural dependence of politics on religious phenomena. (shrink)

In this article I deal with Kant's concept of reflective judgment, and recover it through its links to the aesthetic dimension as its fundamental scenario. Then I go on to explain why Hannah Arendt understood this important Kantian connection, and why she thought it would allow her to develop it through a political dimension. Last, having reviewed both Kant and Arendt's contributions to the concept of reflective judgment, I recover my own input to the concept by showing its linguistic dimension (...) based on the Heideggerian notion of world-disclosure. With this in mind, I show how the concept of reflective judgment is the most suitable to analyze evil actions. (shrink)

The method of analysis Adam Smith uses is relatively similar to the method economics generally uses today, especially the subfield of experimental economics. The method of analysis that Smith uses is coherent and consistent throughout his whole work. He searches for constant variables and then sees what variables are changed by exogenous changes. In particular, Smith looks for the constancy in human nature, and analyzes how historical and material circumstances change the incentives that the constant human nature faces. This method, (...) applied to human conduct in all its aspects, makes it easy for many economists today to see some continuity between Smith’s political economy and today’s economic science. (shrink)

In this paper I want to leave behind the failed attempts to think about populism as ideology, strategy, style, or even discourse. I will focus on the ‘conceptual battles of politics’ and their potential to influence actors to pursue and effect specific ends. Reinhart Koselleck and his ideas about conceptual history will figure prominently in my discussion, as will his concept of asymmetrical combat-concept as a means of unleashing a theoretical and political war. The goal is to demonstrate that concepts (...) have taken the place of weapons of war among political actors. (shrink)

ABSTRACTIf war is an inevitable condition of human nature, as David Hume suggests, then what type of societies can best protect us from defeat and conquest? For David Hume, commerce decreases the relative cost of war and promotes technological military advances as well as martial spirit. Commerce therefore makes a country militarily stronger and better equipped to protect itself against attacks than any other kind of society. Hume does not assume commerce would yield a peaceful world nor that commercial societies (...) would be militarily weak, as many contemporary scholars have argued. On the contrary, for him, military might is a beneficial consequence of commerce. (shrink)

Following a previous article where I defined how a concept becomes a weapon of ideological wars, this article seeks to clarify why there are semantic connections of the actual concept of ‘populism’ with the semantics of the concept of crisis. My key argument is to focus on how actors use the concept of populism on the public sphere with the goal to inspire fear instead of allowing citizens and theorists to understand what is behind our present political–economic crisis. In my (...) view, both theorists and politicians should be aware how a concept that lacks any precision does not help us to understand our present moment of crisis. We must use other tools and the help of historians to understand why has neo-liberal politics unleashed this present crisis. (shrink)

Après le Concile de Trente on assiste, dans les cités italiennes et dans les états du pape, à une marginalisation croissante des prostituées qui sont à le fois cantonnées et taxées, écartées et intégrées. Pourtant ce ne sont pas des conduites sexuelles scandaleuses qui en font, de plus en plus, un gibier d’inquisition. En fait le Saint Office s’intéresse aux incantations, conjurations et oraisons « pour l’amour » qui semblent être un savoir spécifiquement lié au métier. L’article, fondé principalement sur (...) le fonds inédit de l’inquisition de Modène, met en évidence, grace à l’extrême minutie du dialogue inquisitorial, la complexité culturelle de ce savoir – entre oral et écrit, entre manuscrit et imprimé – et son lien à la performance rituelle dont les prostituées sont reconnues comme les seules officiantes efficaces. C’est dans l’ambivalence – sociale, culturelle et symbolique – des prostituées que s’enracine leur pouvoir d’intermédiaires que les oraisons incarnent dans un panthéon des médiatrices de l’amour (Vierge, Sainte Marthe, Diane, Sybille). (shrink)

Monetary policy is a modern idea of which David Hume is generally considered a precursor. Moreover, thanks to Milton Friedman and Robert Lucas, he is often presented as one of the first and most illustrious endorser of monetarism. This paper argues against this view, and in agreement with Joseph Schumpeter, that Hume's contribution to economics, while not insignificant, cannot claim any real novelties. It offers an interpretation of Hume as a descendant of a pre-modern understanding of money rather than a (...) forerunner of modern monetary ideas, and as a scholar exposing common ideas of his time rather than a prophet of economic theories developed centuries later, and argues that there is little in Hume that resembles today's monetary policy prescriptions. (shrink)

My text is written to answer the questions asked at the APA Meeting's presentation of the book Moral Textures: Feminist Narratives in the Public Sphere by professors María Lugones and Eduardo Mendieta. The answer seeks to clarify that Lugones's infrapolitics position is not so distant from mine. I also address Mendieta's question directed more to the aesthetic domain. There, I seek to show how my position could be taken as a creative effort to extend some of Habermas's early work (...) on the public sphere, and to develop the thesis of the important relations between the aesthetic and the moral realms. (shrink)

I will critically explore Arato and Cohen’s work on populism acknowledging areas of agreement while noting gaps in their reasoning particularly regarding the complex relations between capitalism and democracy and the recent erosion of democracy replacing it with authoritarian regimes that are better suited for neoliberal policies.

Recent studies on crying show that crying is more common in happier, freer, and richer countries than in poorer and less free countries. These results can sound counterintuitive and contradict the hypothesis that crying is more observable in countries where people experience more distress. Adam Smith may offer an explanation: In the severe hardship of poverty, showing emotion and distress can be read as a sign of weakness, attracting no sympathy and compromising survival. As a result, emotional displays are avoided. (...) Instead, wealthier commercial societies offer ease and tranquility which allows individuals to express their emotions with fewer negative consequences. (shrink)

A large part of the Latin–American literature of the 19th and 20th century tried to deal with the national question intertwining different dimensions: the weight of colonial legacy, the cultural peculiarity of the nation and the inner relations between social classes and ethnic groups. Thinking the nation implied, in any case, to think the difference and the conflict with others, as well as the inner conflict and the logic of local colonialism. Analyzing some of these essays that played a central (...) role in such process of recasting the origin of the nation, the author moves around three main axes: the formulation of dualist writings (colonial/national; white /indigenous; civilization/wilderness), the issue of language (the language inherited from the colonial experience versus the multilingual nature of indigenous Latin American societies), and the hypothesis about the birth of the nation – appointed to different groups – and its normal functioning as legitimization of the order sprung from independences. (shrink)

: The key concept is "vertigo of secularization." It relates to the fears that societies experience when understanding the need to ground their political orders as separated from religion. The erosion of values produces vertigos around the world. We need to understand better these kinds of processes because only by doing so can we keep that fear and violence from taking precedence over the hard working tasks of building up a global political community.

La autora nos ubica en las discusiones más recientes de la filosofía política y de la ética. Su objetivo es plantear la posibilidad de encontrar una interrelación entre ambas sin que ello suponga un retorno a las ideas aristotélicas.

: My text is written to answer the questions asked at the APA Meeting's presentation of the book Moral Textures: Feminist Narratives in the Public Sphere by professors María Lugones and Eduardo Mendieta. The answer seeks to clarify that Lugones's infrapolitics position is not so distant from mine. I also address Mendieta's question directed more to the aesthetic domain. There, I seek to show how my position could be taken as a creative effort to extend some of Habermas's early (...) work on the public sphere, and to develop the thesis of the important relations between the aesthetic and the moral realms. (shrink)

Dual task is known to affect postural stabilty in children. We explored the effect of visual tasks on postural control in dyslexic and in age-matched non-dyslexic children. Thirty dyslexic children (mean age: 9.80 ± 0.28 years) were compared with thirty non-dyslexic children (mean age: 9.92 ± 0.35 years). All children underwent ophthalmologic and optometric evaluation. Eye movements were recorded by a video-oculography system (EyeBrain ® T2) and postural sway was recorded simultaneously by a force platform (TechnoConept®). Both groups of children (...) performed fixations, pursuits, pro- and anti-saccades tasks. Dyslexic children showed significantly poor near fusional vergence ranges (convergence and divergence) with respect to the non-dyslexic children. During the postural task, quality of fixation and anti-saccade performance in dyslexic children were significantly worse compared to non-dyslexic children. In contrast, the number of catch-up saccades during pursuits and the latency of pro-and anti-saccades were similar in both groups of children examined. Concerning postural quality, dyslexic children were more unstable than age-matched non-dyslexic children. For both groups of children tested we also observed that executing saccades (pro- and anti-saccades) reduced postural values significantly in comparison with fixation and pursuit tasks. The impairment in convergence and divergence fusional capabilities could be due to an immaturity in cortical structures controlling the vergence system. The poor oculomotor performance reported in dyslexic children suggested a deficit in allocating visual attention and their postural instability observed is in line with the cerebellar impairment previously reported in dyslexic children. Finally, pro- or anti-saccades reduce postural values compared to fixation and pursuit tasks in both groups of children tested, suggesting a different influence of visual tasks on postural control according to their attentional demand. (shrink)

This article offers a new interpretation of Mexico's transition to democracy that differs from the pessimistic and less culturally oriented ones that currently prevail. In the article I develop a normative model, which emphasizes the moral capacities of civil societies and their ability to inspire altruistic actions. I suggest that this approach is not only more compelling philosophically but also more plausible empirically. To demonstrate this, I reconstruct a series of events from Mexico's recent past. My discussion suggests that social (...) actors can reconfigure societal self-understandings through moral interventions in the public sphere and that such refigurations of the symbolic order are central for democratic transition. (shrink)

This article deals with our constructed notions of evil and how an historical appraisal takes shape after specific stories and narratives become important objects of public deliberation, historical criticism, and disclosive views of what constitutes the moral harms of human cruelty. I analyze the historical representations of the meaning of evil in specific historical times through narratives that have made important contributions to our historical understanding of them. I also propose that our learning from them is the result of public (...) debates, of memory wars, and of important interventions from public intellectuals, writers, historians and witnesses. Therefore, deliberating about human cruelty is always a reconstructive effort to understand and judge what has happened and why it could have been prevented. The term evil is a moral filter that allows us to situate the kind of moral harm that needs a specific lens of moral understanding and a reconfiguration of actions that tie perpetrators to sufferers. Moral harms are better ways to describe the kind of actions that we call evil. The article highlights the relevance of language, disclosive views, criticism, public debate and the ways in which societies cope with their past in order to envision a different future. (shrink)

Adam Smith is famous around the world as the founding father of economics, and his ideas are regularly quoted and invoked by politicians, business leaders, economists, and philosophers. However, considering his fame, few people have actually read the whole of his magnum opus The Wealth of Nations - the first book to describe and lay out many of the concepts that are crucial to modern economic thinking. The Routledge Guidebook to Smith's Wealth of Nations provides an accessible, clear, and concise (...) introduction to the arguments of this most notorious and influential of economic texts. The Guidebook examines: the historical context of Smith's though and the background to this seminal work the key arguments and ideas developed throughout The Wealth of Nations the enduring legacy of Smith's work The Routledge Guidebook to Smith's Wealth of Nations is essential reading for students of philosophy, economics, politics, and sociology who are approaching Smith's work for the first time. (shrink)

Le livre de Nicolas Bourguinat, analysant les écrits de femmes ayant voyagé en Italie entre 1770 et 1870, se situe à l’intersection de plusieurs champs de recherche, l’histoire des femmes, celles du voyage, du livre, de la littérature. Ces domaines d’études confluent dans une relecture originale de l’histoire de l’Europe dans une perspective transnationale. La recherche privilégie une période que l’auteur qualifie de « mal identifiée et mal aimée de l’histoire du voyage en Italie… à cheval en...

Adam Smith and Jean-Jacques Rousseau -- Self-interest and sympathy -- Moral sentiments and spectatorship -- Commercial society and justice -- Politics and freedom.